This paper investigates how dialectal variation in Eʋe—specifically the Eʋeme and Aŋlɔ
varieties—shapes the pronunciation of three English lexical sets: NURSE, DRESS, and
lettER. Using a variationist framework, the study analyses vowel quality, duration, and pitch
from controlled word-list readings (fifteen items per lexical set) produced by Eʋe-speaking
English users in Ghana. Acoustic measurements of the recorded samples were complemented
by statistical testing to quantify patterns of variation. Results reveal substantial variability
across all three sets, with the lettER set showing the greatest degree of alternation. Tokens in
lettER were realised variously as [ɪ], [ʌ], [o], and [ə]; these alternations showed little
systematic dialectal conditioning except for the occurrence of [o]. The DRESS set displayed
moderate, dialect-linked variation, with three primary realisations—[ɪ], [e̠], and [ɜː]. While
Aŋlɔ speakers produced all three variants, Eʋeme speakers favoured [e̠] and [ɜː]. The NURSE
exhibited the least variation, chiefly alternating between [e̠ː] and [ɜː], with Eʋeme speakers
predominantly using [e̠ː] and Aŋlɔ speakers using both [e̠ː] and [ɜː]. These patterns are
interpreted as evidence of emerging local and non-local varieties within Eʋe English: a local
accent diverging from Received Pronunciation (RP) and a non-local form approximating RP
quality. Instances such as the fronting of NURSE toward /e/ in some speakers versus RP-like
[ɜː] in others, and the mixture of RP-like and alternative realisations in DRESS, support this
two-variety account. The alternation between full vowels ([ɪ], [o], [ʌ]) and reduced [ə] in
lettER further illustrates this split. Phonological characteristics of Eʋe—comparable mid
vowels, preference for open syllables, limited vowel reduction, and deletion of post-vocalic
/r/—help explain the observed substitutions and near-target realisations with slight raising or
centralization. While dialect geography is a significant predictor of vowel realisation,
phonological conditioning and individual speaker idiosyncrasy also contribute. The study
underscores the systematic nature of cross-linguistic transfer and the necessity of accounting
for dialect background in pronunciation teaching, intelligibility assessment, and research on
vowel systems and sound change among Eʋe-speaking learners of English.
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